the referendum on the amendment of Article 78 of the Constitution shall vote only 30%. No direct election of the President, as proposed by the forces of the coalition government to overcome the political crisis. The Winds of War within the Democratic field. exulted the Communists, favor abstention.
A political victory of the Communists, made with the weapon democratically most annoying: the abstention. This, in brief, what happened in Moldova, Sunday, Sept. 5, at the national referendum held to introduce the direct election of head of state, and transform the country into a republic presidenziale. Il quorum necessario, il 33,3% degli aventi diritto, non è stato raggiunto. L'affluenza si è arrestata al 30%.
Un'occasione sprecata, dal momento in cui il refendum poteva risolvere una situazione politica di instabilità, proprio con il più democratico degli strumenti. Una spiegazione, ribadita per tutta la campagna elettorale dai partiti della coalizione di governo "Alleanza per l'Integrazione Europea" - il Partito LiberalDemocratico di Moldova, PLDM, il Partito Democratico di Moldova, PDM, il Partito Liberale, PL, e l'Alleanza "Moldova Noastra" - che, a quanto pare, non ha convinto i moldavi. Forse, come rilevato da diversi analisti, anche a causa della litigiosità tra gli esponenti the majority, who preferred to spend all our energies on finding the presidential candidate to be presented to already established, even before Sunday, November.
Un'autogol, so rejoice only the Communists, who have called on Moldova to boycott an election branded as useless and a pretext for new elections. Satisfaction was expressed by the leader, the former president, Vladimir Voronin, and several party members. Jurij Muntjan discussed failure of the attempt to usurp power by the majority, while his colleague, the deputy, Maria Postojko, welcomed the lack of a quorum in what he called a show undemocratic.
Still, this show really needed was undemocratic. In fact, the ruling coalition has proposed the restoration of direct elections of the first charge of the State - in force until 2000 - after which twice a year and a half the parliament failed to elect the chairman. In this regard, it was clear the speaker of parliament, Mihai Ghimpu, leader of the Liberal Party and, above all, the Head of State ad interim, pending the outcome of the crisis.
"The Moldovan - said on the eve of the referendum - have the right to go to the polls and vote yes to refendum. Must regain that right, democratic right to elect the president who wants toltoci by the Communists in 2000. Qualora il quorum non fosse raggiunto, la crisi politica continuerà".
Alla base dello stallo politico, l'estrema frammentarietà dell'"Alleanza per l'Intergrazione Europea", al potere dalla primavera del 2009. Allora, dopo le ennesime elezioni falsate dai comunisti, proteste nonviolente sotto il palazzo presidenziale dei democratici moldavi - altrimenti note cone Rivoluzione Twitter - portarono alle dimissioni di Voronin, al tempo Capo di Stato. L'ultima rivoluzione colorata nell'Europa centro-orientale, con cui i democratici moldavi - pacificamente armati di bandiere nazionali, romene e dell'Unione Europea - in nome della Democrazia, delle libertà, e dell'integrazione con l'Occidente rovesciarono l'ennesima autocrazia di eredità sovietica.
Ciò nonostante, la maggior parte della responsabilità della dell'empasse, che ingessa il Paese, ricade proprio sui comunisti. Essi, seppure all'opposizione, sono il gruppo parlamentare con più deputati, 48 su 101. Facile, per loro, dapprima restare compatti, ed aprofittare delle divisioni interne alla maggioranza su ogni questione. E, successivamente, sfruttare la crescente sfiducia dei moldavi nella politica, per boicottare un referendum osteggiato persino in sede internazionale, con la vana presentazione di un ricorso presso la Commissione Europea.
In molti tra gli esperti hanno sottolineato come la condotta dei comunisti sia dettata anche dal fatto di trovarsi senza un leader: a Voronin, twice head of state, the law forbids to run for a third term. Taken from the office held, the former Head of State was not able to identify and nurture, his heir. And today, the Communists find themselves with many colonels, but no point of reference.
Leader, however, abound in the area of \u200b\u200bthe Democratic majority. And that, the referendum failed, already sharpening their knives for the forthcoming parliament. On their date, still no uficialità. But many argue that a solution to the clash intestine coalition government is a matter of no time. To contend for the leadership of the 'Alliance for European Integration ", the current premier, the leader of the Party Liberal Democrats, Vlad Filat, and the head of the Democratic Party, Marian Lupu. The first, undertaken in pursuit of the votes of the center, a supporter of integration with NATO and the EU, and, with a strong partnership with the ALDE, already well integrated into the party structures of the Old Continent. The second, however, contained in the International Socialist, and more attentive to the good relations with Moscow. Accomplice, the cooperation with "United Russia", the political force of Russian Prime Minister Vladimir Putin.
To these are added the aforementioned Mihai Ghimpu, and the president of "Moldova Noastra, Serafim Urechean. A grouping of personality, and competitors, that if one side certifies the progress of the Moldovan party system, other countries similarly recalls freed from post-Soviet autocracies, such as Ukraine. It remains the hope that, contrary to Kyiv, this competition does not prevail on the interest of the nation. And, in the name of personalities and rivalries, not lead the democratic camp to break, and to sacrifice the legitimate will of the Moldovan people, so it is now in power: the entry into the European Union, after years of suffering, and submission the Kremlin.
Matthew Cazzulani
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